View topic - The Canadian Soviet Socialist Republic :: Free Dominion - Principled Conservative - Party and Canadian Politics

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 4:11 pm Post subject: The Canadian Soviet Socialist Republic

The Canadian Soviet Socialist Republic

a brief history

Most revolutions are declared, fought, won and then consolidated. How long they last depends on how they evolve, or how much repression they can bring to bear.

But the Canadian revolution of 1968 was not declared, only fully visible in retrospect, and has not entirely replaced the ancien regime. This makes it the most unusual revolution in history. Even today, fewer than ten per cent of the people of Canada understand that a revolution has taken place, although perhaps half of them accept most or all of its principles.

As a result, Canada is a nation governed alternately by representatives of the revolution and the ancien regime, and the gulf between them continues to widen. Rather than being in dialogue, they operate along separate channels, without much interaction, just a mutual fear and loathing.

The onset of revolution 1968-72

Canada was always massively influenced by the Soviet experience after the 1917 revolution, and later by the Chinese communist revolution of 1949. However, this influence remained on the margins of the political process and did not entirely take over the Liberal Party, let alone the Conservatives who functioned as a typical brokerage party of a western democracy. The revolutionary influence petered out in cycles whenever clusters of support developed for avowed revolutionaries running as Communists or Marxist-Leninists. Even the old CCF and first edition of the NDP were not tremendously swayed by communist ideology.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau was to change all of this. A barely disguised fellow traveller and quite possibly a KGB agent controlled from Moscow central by his Ottawa handlers, Pierre Trudeau swept to power through the euphoric nationalistic period of the mid to late 1960s on pretexts such as the overthrow of the "Dominion" paradigm and its Red Ensign flag, recognition of the bicultural nature of Canada (an extension of a historical reality to form a new social contract of "equality" of elements that were far from equal), and the general excitement of the times including the "alternate culture" phenomenon and Canada's centennial.

Using his charisma and intellect as indomitable weapons, Trudeau swept the old guard Liberals out of their power bastions and replaced them with socialist ideologues entirely in his own orbit. He also neutralized the latent power of the chief guardian of the old political order, John Diefenbaker, and forced the Opposition to the political centre where it had two choices, co-operation or irrelevance. It chose a blend of these and still almost removed the revolutionaries from power in 1972. But by then it was too late.

The main opening act of the Canadian Revolution had already occurred before Trudeau took power, and that was the blending of the national flag with the Liberal party logo and, not insignificantly, the emblem most associated with eastern Canada, the red maple leaf. But this alone would not have been a revolutionary foundation. What was more significant was the growing use of the Soviet-inspired conception of using the name of the country repeatedly and hypnotically to create an illusion of national unity while actually generating a new revolutionary order. Everything now had the bilingual prefix "Canada" to mute the difference between merged nationalaties. The first line of the old Soviet national anthem reads, "An indissoluble union of Soviet republics." In our case, the word Canada replaced the word Soviet in the popular imagination. It gave a new form of citizenship, and the phrase new Soviet man could easily be transferred through Trudeau to the paradigm of new Canadian man, and even further, to the paradigm of Canadian as Liberal, Liberal as Canadian, and all other as failed or non-Canadian.

The first of many happy accidents for the Revolution was the glorious and almost miraculous victories of the Canadian hockey team in September of 1972. This made the revolutionary flag appear more illustrious, and the glow of the red maple leaves in that bitter cold autumn faded into the public imagination as the backdrop to a prime minister paddling his own canoe. It was all so steeped in our history, unlike the intentions of the man at the top.

Stage Two -- the Growing Power of the State 1972-1984

Trudeau was not content (or instructed) to limit himself to symbols and patriotic platitudes. ("The land is strong" = "Socialism in one country"). He also desired to extend the power of the state by a rapid increase in the size and power of the civil service. The rise of Environment Canada illustrates this neatly. Based in Toronto, the headquarters of the Dominion Meteorological Agency before 1970 was a sleepy and unassuming set of offices in the old Observatory building located near Varsity Stadium and close to the University of Toronto. If it had two dozen employees and a small library of archives, it might have resembled one of the university faculties. By the mid 1970s the agency had located to a palatial new set of buildings in the northern suburb of Downsview, spread out over four floors, and employing over a thousand people. It briefly changed its name to Atmospheric Environment Service (A.E.S.) and then in the late 1970s when the metric system came into effect, to Environment Canada.

Nowadays, it presides over the bogus climate change "industry" and is a vast empire for patronage and lateral waste of tax money on a vast scale involving tens of thousands in its many outer layers. This is typical of the vast and Soviet-style expansion of the public sector without creating goods or services of intrinsic value.

In fact, Environment Canada has suppressed research of public value where it does not conform to the religion of climate change and global warming.

And this would be the pattern throughout the vast rapidly expanding Trudeau-created public service of Canada, an empire created not to serve the people who pay for it, but to control them, and suck the money out of their wallets to create a vast pensioned class of superannuated workers who have nothing much to do and lots of salary to pay for it.

There is also the question of immigration to Canada. This changed rapidly in the mid-1970s when the Trudeauvians realized that they were always going to be fighting a desperate battle with the ancien regime (us hosers, basically) for seats in parliament. If they could just expand the cities with millions of grateful immigrants, preferably from cultures so different from our own that they would not know anything about our history or traditions, then they could out-poll the Conservatives on a regular basis, and also the NDP who were stuck in the inter-war mindset of catering to the ever-disappearing working class.

Despite or perhaps because of the Joe Clark inter-regnum of 1979, the Trudeau stage of revolution continued even when the western world in general lurched back to the political right in 1980. Drawing on the vast well of anti-American sentiment whipped up during the Vietnam war period, and recalling the staged "successes" of the October crisis of 1970 and the first Quebec referendum in 1980, Trudeau could always change his shape and colours, and appeal as a nationalist, an authoritarian, a revolutionary, a philosopher-prince, and a lover and seducer of women. The one thing he never posed as was what he really was -- a communist.

But this became clear in 1982 when he repatriated the constitution after a brief and largely staged spat with Quebec's premier Rene Levesque, burying in that dramatic episode the real ticking time bomb of his revolution, the "Charter of Rights and Freedoms" which was really a pretext for the Rights to Take Your Freedoms Away of the future state, as it established the Soviet-style concept of "group rights" and limitations on the rights of the individual wherever these did not suit the purposes of the state.

Parallel to this revolutionary constitution was the N.E.P. (itself more or less named for what passed for Lenin's most liberal form of communist economics) and the destruction of wealth in Alberta, a republic in the Canadian Soviet Socialist Republics if you will, and one that needed to have its power and autonomy reduced so that the power of the centralized state (all things controlled from Moscow/Ottawa and all culture determined in Leningrad/Toronto) could be maintained.

And during all of this, the revolution was being assisted by the forced reduction of the traditional racial stock of the nation by liberal social policies, chiefly abortion on demand, which favoured the progressive loss of political control of the traditional majorities and the rapid ascendancy of all other groups which were not culturally encouraged to self-limit.

The fact that feminism also came to a powerful position and induced a further loathing of the male authority figure in our culture disproportionately to the immigrant or native communities had the same effect, even it was a happy accident for the revolution.

The Mulroney counter-revolution

The Mulroney governments of 1984-88 and 1988-93 were in this analysis a sort of reform communist phase similar to what might have happened had Lenin lived longer and Stalin not been so powerful. In the first place, there was a return to a certain amount of the honouring of tradition, but also no turning back from the revolutionary foundations. It was as though some Soviet General Secretary had included more officials from the outer republics in his Politburo, given them more power, encouraged the rituals of the Orthodox church -- this was the general feeling of the Mulroney period, a sort of Canadian communism with a human face. And there was a sincere effort to renew the constitution, as well as what might be compared to China's separation of ideology and the free markets. However, it all crashed and burned because the revolution had moved too far into the cultural sphere to tolerate a grand success for the usurpers. When the political right came out in opposition, the Trudeauvians recognized their great opportunity to destroy the power of their rivals, and they came out in a temporary alliance of convenience, even promising to scrap the hated G.S.T. -- but all of this was a typical Soviet-style disinformation campaign -- the Trudeauvians would otherwise have supported Meech Lake (as many Liberals did) and were glad to take the G.S.T. and the destruction of the PC rivals as Christmas presents in the year 1993.

Only Sheila Copps among ten million Liberals thought they meant any of it. Liberals had learned to lie under Trudeau, and the most accomplished of the disciples in the school of deception (see how he still fights to maintain a reputation that anyone can see is compromised?) swept back to power, disposing of the hapless John Turner in the process.

The Social Revolution accelerates 1993-2005

Under Jean Chretien and despite his populist, almost buffoon-like style (so reminiscent of the outer veneer of Brezhnev), the revolution spread laterally from the political realm to the academic and cultural realm. For the first time in our history, the country had the feel of a one-party state, with the traditional political opposition destroyed and dissent in the hands of a regional party from the West, still feeling its way on a national stage. Dissent either dried up or contained itself in small regional clusters mainly in Alberta for the time being, giving the Liberals a lot of scope to make all sorts of mischief on the social front.

For example, they began a long series of appointments to the Governor General position that were cultural patronage in nature rather than acts to maintain the constitutional order. Relations with Quebec remained cynical and dangerously inept, but luck was with the revolution in 1995, despite their worst efforts the federalists held on -- a victory for their policy of rapid change through immigration, perhaps. That continued apace, and filled the Liberal ranks with voices and concerns that essentially shoved the real economic agenda off the political stage and replaced it with a vast circus of non-events designed to semi-venerate the new demigods, political correctness and multi-culturalism.

Much of this was financed by the illegal and massively fraudulent transfer of the peoples' E.I. funds into general revenues, more or less forcing the provinces to pay the bulk of the growing health care costs. So a new pattern was emerging, where the ruling revolutionary party pretended to be fiscally conservative, appealing to the sentiments of its potential opponents, yet at the same time withdrew from actual governance, leaving that to the exposed provincial governments who would have to face the wrath of the citizens if they failed under the difficult economic equstions in place. This was a far more comfortable strategy for a prime minister who had limited imagination and unlimited patronage opportunities to meet.

Another happy accident came along for the revolution when the Canadian Olympic team excelled in the faces of the hated rivals to the south in the summer of 1996. Once again, an opportunity to demonstrate the values of the flag, multi-culturalism, and the magical powers of our culture, came along. The same could be said for the Canadarm project in the American space program. If the rest of our culture and economy was a dismal second-rate failure, nobody noticed, or cared. If we created the same sort of lamentable hack writers and artists as did the Soviets in their prime, nobody noticed. In fact, if the former Soviet Union was now a bankrupt shell of its former self, the pieces all flown apart, the man in charge a buffoon and notable drunk, nobody drew historical parallels, because our Revolution would continue gloriously forward -- we had Trudeau, just as the Cubans had Castro, and he was still alive.

Of course, in such a neutered and phoney political environment as that created by the political vacuum of post-Mulroney confusion on the right, the real power in the country rapidly shifted from parliament to the media and the universities, which were unfolding as they should, to brainwash the large boom echo generation moving through these socialist mind-control factories into the New Soviet Order of the one-party state.

This Sovietization was most notable in the concept of cadres. It was stock and trade for Leninist leaders to call on the support of "the workers, the armed forces, the nationalities (which they might list), the doctors, the civil servants," as though organized society was a collection of smaller societies all respondent to the national will. In our case, this was replaced more by interest groups. In the first phase of the revolution, one such interest group, gays and lesbians, had been rather quietly freed from the bondage of the restrictive laws of the ancien regime, but had not gained a wider political clout.

This was all to change in the early 21st century. By now, the conservative opposition had somewhat revived but in the November 2000 "election" the right-wing parties were divided and therefore the social legitimacy of the parliament was nowhere near proportional. In other words, the Liberals continued to control things despite a very weak electoral basis. They still had the full co-operation of the N.D.P. who had not even begun to notice that they were being undercut from both sides by the Liberals and emerging Greens (a party well suited to accommodate to socialist revolution by its European experience).

The revolutionary state was now all-powerful and fully complemented in the academic and the media realms. A new generation had been successfully brainwashed to believe its slogans and half-truths. As a test of their loyalty, the government appointed ever more questionable and bizarre figures to the post of chief of state. Few noticed or cared -- and of course the payoff was that these personages, no matter how fine their dress or their cocktail parties, would be sure to look the other way if the government needed to bend the constitution.

And bend it they did, challenging the foundations of the state with a proposal that ridiculed both the traditional culture of the country, and the religious freedom of millions, as well as the implied cultural foundations of the state in Biblical traditions -- same sex marriage, a step so revolutionary that only Holland and Belgium had tried it overseas. While most liberal democracies had found some acceptable formula in the realm of civil union, the Liberals were possessed with the desire to show the increasingly powerful opposition, then in danger of unifying, that they were so fully in charge of the revolutionary state that they could change anything they wanted, just to please their cadres. It was like the onset of a purge or a Gulag period. Timid dissenters like Stronach and Brison sold out right away and enabled the revolutionary master-stroke to proceed through a veneer of legislation. By the time the Opposition perceived the dangers and united, it was too late, they were outnumbered, and despite the existence of non-revolutionary reactionary cliques in the ruling party, they prevailed in a vote of great importance on June 28, 2005. A dying Chuck Cadman, overtly a symbol of counter-revolution, made the final act of accommodation, showing that the psychology of the social revolution had left all but the most avowedly traditonalist.

A parallel effort came in the form of slavish adherence to anti-American politics (refusal to take part in Iraq) and devotion to the internationalist agenda of global warming. Because the Liberals also had a cadre among the middle class, they tended more to the vocal than the practical in these undertakings, and their real intention was to continue to rule and dole out patronage.

Even the fact that throughout 2005 the revolution was essentially discredited by the judiciary (Gomery) the strength of the revolutionaries in the media assured that this blow would not be fatal (mortal wound healed, Rev 13). This applied by default to the homosexual lobby because if their patrons had been fundamentally discredited, there was every danger that the opposition would sweep the revolution aside (they campaigned in late 2005 as though they wanted to do so) and perhaps reverse the political gains made.

Therefore the gay lobby made common cause with other revolutionary cadres, the feminists, the radical environmentalist, even the radical Muslims who had pushed into the tent on the basis of their anti-American credentials (as well as their anti-Christian sentiments). The new weapon of choice was the growing power of the revolutionary thought police, masquerading as "human rights tribunals." By the time the election could be forced, the Opposition had run out of energy and focus, and only managed a very narrow minority victory. Although this derailed the express train of revolution, much time has been wasted inspecting the damage and removing the wreckage.

The Revolution shifts to the Judicial Branch 2006-08

With the Harper government fully occupied on the economic front, trying to create a wider support base through largely symbolic changes, and also much occupied by the overblown debate about our participation in Afghanistan, hardly a real national emergency on the scale so far mounted, the new government whether by design or by accident, has left almost untouched the counter-revolutionary agenda that probably pushed them into office in the first place.

We still have the patronage appointment GG, the socialist media, the communist universities, but now also, we have an activist judicial branch, both in the regular court systems (see the Warman vs Fromm decision posted elsewhere), and more especially the CHRC network which, like Environment Canada as the example given before, has rapidly expanded its empire to create a growth industry of thought censors.

The whole underlying premise of the hate speech industry is that client groups of the revolutionary state can use the tribunals to harass their political or social opponents at great cost and expenditure of time and energy, at no cost to themselves, and more or less for sport, since there is no real legal principle involved other than revenge or malice.

The best practitioners are of course the deepest revolutionaries. Richard Warman, with his similarity of temperament and focus to the legendary Soviet era prosecutors, is accurately described (by myself, which is why I am a John Doe co-defendant) as a neo-Stalinist thug who wishes to create "maximum disruption" to Canadian conservatives. His cunning program began under the deep cover of apathy with easy targets, persons on the fringes whose politics perhaps are as charged, neo-fascist. In each new wave of prosecutions, the targets become more mainstream and more identifiable as conservatives, Christians or Jews. By hiding behind the power and prestige of the "official Jewish lobby" as Ezra Levant calls the C.J.C. and B'nai Brith, Warman creates the illusion of a crusade against human rights violators, but in fact, his real objective is a revolutionary destruction of political opposition to his patrons, the Liberals. Like many Liberal revolutionaries, he prefers to masquerade in public as a Green -- less chance of being side-tracked into elected office that way.

The radical Muslims badly want to be in with the in crowd, and as long as the revolution has anti-American power dynamics, they will have their place as useful idiots, creating further headaches for any who might otherwise have more time and energy to look into the bigger questions posed by the revolution proper. Macleans magazine, for example, might have done a laudable service publishing Steyn's articles on the growing risks of Islamic expansion, but they have hardly raised a peep against the revolution over the forty years of its life and development.

The same could be said for the rest of the media in Canada -- they are too busy fighting the toothless dragons of some imaginary "racism" which is always there to be pointed at when Liberal vote totals are falling below desired levels.

Counter-revolution

Counter-revolution is normally only feasible when large elements of the political opposition have links to influential writers, segments of the media, and even the armed forces should there become a need to contain the revolutionaries by force.

These conditions are largely absent in Canada.

Our political opposition is frankly too scared to take on the cultural elite, they leave that to the blogosphere. Our leaders, you can probably name them, are hardly national figures, they would pass recognition in most parts of the nation outside of the energized counter-revolutionary opposition movement (which might have attracted five to ten per cent of the nation so far).

The only way to change this is for the conservative base to re-energize the party. Stephen Harper has not shown us so far that he is made of the right stuff for this challenge, but he probably has some time left before that bridge is irrevocably crossed. With the Winnipeg convention an artificial deadline for meaningful change in direction, we could probably say that the party would have to come out of that November meeting with a mandate from its members to fight the social(ist) revolution on every front. Otherwise, those who care about this issue may have to consider an entirely different strategy that could include civil disobedience.

Like any revolutionary state worth its salt, Canada has a growing secret police force, operating extra-legally and reporting mainly to their own masters. This has clearly taken on a life of its own, because no reasonable analyst would propose that Stephen Harper wants to know what the Fourniers or Lemire or Levant are saying or thinking in the privacy of their own homes and offices, yet somebody probably does. That somebody in the past has thought nothing of violating civil rights of Canadian citizens, hijacking their internet service, and we just don't know to what extent they have also intercepted mail, tapped phones, retrieved information from computers -- we don't know because nobody in power cares to find out.

The situation could be even worse than we think it is. We just don't know.

That is the nature of Canada's revolution and the Soviet model state that Trudeau left us. Did I mention that he died? Well that's the rumour.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 4:38 pm Post subject:

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 5:18 pm Post subject:

The next phase of the revolution is to be the green shift, which is being marketed as the basis for concentrating even more people in the large cities and stripping the suburbs of their power (and incidentally their political rights). Suburbanites will be forced to choose between downtown and smaller towns -- the revolution expects that they will choose downtown being urbanites, and it is here that they can be more effectively brainwashed by the "revolutionary elements" already present.

We might as well just change the name of the country to the New Soviet Union because we've bought the franchise.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 5:39 pm Post subject:

Did you research this yourself? Is this your very own thesis? I'm impressed by your analysis but even more so if this is your own formulated opinion. This piece is worth a print in the National Post and worth being circulated as a paper for debate amongst Canadian high school students.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 5:57 pm Post subject:

Beautiful. Thanks for turning the light on Peter.

Last edited by Angleland on 06/ 26/ 08 7:19 pm; edited 1 time in total

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 7:24 pm Post subject:

In general terms, I would say that I have posted most of this in fragments here and there on FD since I joined in March, 2005. The thoughts are not exclusively mine, of course, although I developed them at about the same pace as others who have said much the same thing. I was aware that Lubor Zink thought he had the goods on Trudeau, in fact there is a large east European emigre population in Toronto with all sorts of insights into these matters, having escaped from various other S.S.R. type countries in the 1960s or thereabouts.

Of course, it might be a giant coincidence that the KGB was actively trying to do this sort of thing, and Trudeau did it on his own initiative. He probably got the idea from that source, whether they paid him for his work or not.

Nowadays the controllers are more like the NGOs and the academic establishment -- I guess Lenin was right, the state withered away but now we have organic communism. Good luck to our kids.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 8:23 pm Post subject:

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 8:37 pm Post subject:

Yep, we have to realize the Russians are master chess players, who knows how this all plays out over 25-50 years, the so-called end of communism, the so-called democratic interlude in Russia, all under the watchful eye of the former KGB boss ... yeah, right ... satellites freed but these can easily be regained when the stronger adversary beyond falls into the socialist orbit.

As you say, I don't think the KGB recruited Trudeau, they probably spotted their opportunity early in his political career and stroked his ego until he was doing spontaneously what they wanted him to do. However, that may not be so true of various underlings.

This co-opting process hasn't ended with the "end" of the Cold War either, it has morphed into the pressure of "what all smart people believe" that has 70% of the people thinking cold is warm and wet is unusual. All smart people believe that gays are just like everyone else and deserve to get married (perhaps they do, having a bit of a rough patch, ha ha) ... all smart people believe that Peter O'Donnell is a raving loonie and a neo-Nazi ... all smart people know that Mark Steyn is an Islamophobe ... the list is more or less endless.

But never underestimate the power of rote learning.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 9:11 pm Post subject:

You got Trudeau all wrong. Very Happy

It is China that owned him .... and the evidence is the 1972 visit to China that ended the west's economic blockade. That was treason. Just look at what trade with China has wrought.

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 9:22 pm Post subject:

Towards the end of his reign Trudough was floging his Peace With The Commies crap. At thet same time, so called Peace groups were proloferating demanding America disarm unilateraly. This bunch of useful idiots were bought and paid for by Moscow. Only the outright traitors probably got paid. The other dolts, morons and dimwits bowed down before the Soviet abomination for free.

I recall reading somewhere in 1989 that the MSM of the day owed Lubor Zink a big apology for mocking his writings on the Commie menace. He was right all along.
_________________

Mo Strong - Mo Problems

Posted: 06/ 26/ 08 9:43 pm Post subject:

turdeau died with the public hairs of castro, mao tse dung, eyc stuck between his teeth from decades of french kissing the hairy asses of these murderers and miscreants.

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